As Congress returns from its August recess, it’s staring at a difficult proposition: do its job. It must pass a new appropriations bill, or a continuing resolution, by September 30. In order for the government to spend, the Treasury has to be able to borrow, so Congress must raise the $19.8 trillion debt ceiling by September 29. Federal insurance programs considered to be uncontroversial, such as flood insurance and children’s health insurance, are also due for reauthorization by September 30. On top of this, there is the Gulf Coast of Texas, battered by Hurricane Harvey, badly in need of federal aid — deadlines be damned.
On Sunday, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin suggested that Congress should clear part of its plate by attaching the debt-ceiling increase to the first Harvey-relief package. “Without raising the debt limit, I am not comfortable that we will get money to Texas this month to rebuild,” Mnuchin said on Fox News.
However, attaching the debt-ceiling increase to a Harvey bill is a political decision, too. Both are necessary measures, but only one is politically contentious: Some Republicans who counsel staunch fiscal conservatism use debt-ceiling showdowns to litigate what they see as irresponsible spending. That happened in 2013, and 2011, and 1995. Naturally, the dire consequences of a default always wind up being more politically compelling than the principled case for defaulting. Mnuchin — presumably speaking for the Trump administration — is seeking to avoid another such fight.
That’s because he wants to avoid another kind of disaster. Even if a financial crisis would not happen immediately after the Treasury surpassed its debt limit, one would certainly loom. Markets are currently pricing in some risk of default, based on the yield curve of different maturity bonds. (The yield of a Treasury bill due to mature in October is higher than the yield of Treasury bills due to mature earlier in September and November. In this case, the higher yield compensates for the risk of default.) If a default happens, American debt would be downgraded, which could lead to a massive sell-off in bonds. It could also cause a sell-off in equities and a retreat into bonds, which happened during the 2011 standoff, if markets don’t take the default risk to be genuine. In any case, the dollar would be adversely affected, and its status as the world’s reserve currency could be imperiled.
Some still seem willing. On Wednesday, the House will vote on its Harvey relief bill, $7.9 billion in funds, with no language about raising the debt ceiling. Perhaps that’s because some Republicans have opposed disaster-relief legislation that was not sufficiently narrow in the past — a disaster-relief bill that hikes the debt ceiling is certainly not “targeted.” But what seems likelier is that raising the debt ceiling remains unpalatable to fiscal hawks. “As we have stated for months, the debt ceiling should be paired with significant fiscal and structural reforms,” said congressman Mark Walker (R., N.C.) in a recent statement. Congressman Mark Meadows (R., N.C.), chairman of the Freedom Caucus, called the bundle bill a “terrible idea.” That position might bolster their credentials as fiscal conservatives for now, but how will they react if the Senate, as it is expected to do, includes the debt-ceiling language in its own version of Harvey relief?
Raising the debt ceiling and helping out Houston are two of Congress’s top priorities. It has twelve days to take care of all that . . . and then some.
— Theodore Kupfer is a National Review Institute William F. Buckley Fellow in Political Journalism.